<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rdf:RDF xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#">
<channel rdf:about="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/7914">
<title>Thesis and Dissertations</title>
<link>http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/7914</link>
<description/>
<items>
<rdf:Seq>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16454"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16426"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15908"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15774"/>
</rdf:Seq>
</items>
<dc:date>2001-01-13T06:35:49Z</dc:date>
</channel>
<item rdf:about="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16454">
<title>Political Dynamics In Amhara Regional State Since 2018</title>
<link>http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16454</link>
<description>Political Dynamics In Amhara Regional State Since 2018
Anteneh, Enkuhan
The main theme of this study is to explore the political dynamics of the Amhara regional state &#13;
since 2018. In 2018, there was “political reform” which begun with the euphoria of whole sale &#13;
transformation to democracy and good governance , and unfortunately, ended up in mere &#13;
circulation of the ruling elites from above , which of course have far-reaching implications on &#13;
regional politics too. Amhara Region is one of the region that have faced the brunt of the &#13;
reform with its unprecedented level of political dynamism The main objective of this research &#13;
was to assess the status of the 2018 political reform, the manifestations, and the factors that &#13;
affect the political dynamics of the Amhara regional state since then. To achieve these objectives, &#13;
the study has employed a qualitative approach with a case study research design. The data were &#13;
collected from interviews (face to face and telephone interviews), personal observations, Focus &#13;
Group Discussion. In addition to primary data, the study used secondary data such as published &#13;
and unpublished material, along with different political elite discourse form YouTube platforms. &#13;
Data collected from primary and secondary sources were analyzed through both thematic and &#13;
discourse analysis method. Primary data sources were selected using purposive sampling &#13;
technique. The finding of the study revealed that, the 2018 political reform was not deeply &#13;
planted rather it was shallow, and it was not full-hearted by different political actors of the &#13;
Amhara region. Besides, political complexity in the region has been increased from time to time. &#13;
Due to this, the region becomes exposed to frequent leadership changes. Pertinent to this, the &#13;
political power struggle has intensified in the region, either within the ruling party by itself or &#13;
among opposition parties with the incumbent parties. External factors such as unsynthesised &#13;
ethnic federalism, the current constitution, and confrontation among neighboring states, as well &#13;
as internal factors such as economics, IDP, elite hostility, and weak institutions, account for the &#13;
current political dynamics of the Amhara region. The major conclusion of the study drawn from &#13;
the findings is that, the weakness of the current ruling party of the region aggregated with the &#13;
dominance of the federal government under the vanguard of the Oromo prosperity party political &#13;
elite, has led to political crises in the Amhara regional state after 2018.
</description>
<dc:date>2024-07-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16426">
<title>Analyzing Public Sentiment towards the Ethiopian National Dialogue  Commission for Sustainable Peace in Amhara Region case study of Bahir Dar  city</title>
<link>http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16426</link>
<description>Analyzing Public Sentiment towards the Ethiopian National Dialogue  Commission for Sustainable Peace in Amhara Region case study of Bahir Dar  city
Wogayehu, Shimelash
The Ethiopia‘s National Dialogue Commission has been considered as a solution for crucial &#13;
problems a nation has faced. But it has not been successful as expected. Therefore identifying the &#13;
key factors that may influence the commission‘s success are important. This study investigates &#13;
public sentiment towards Ethiopia‘s National Dialogue Commission (ENDC), and key factors &#13;
that influence public sentiment towards the commission, focusing on credibility, transparency, &#13;
impartiality and inclusivity of the commission in line with this, the thesis examines the degree of &#13;
influence these factors potentially cause on public sentiment Adopting a mixed-methods &#13;
research approach, the study integrates quantitative data from structured surveys and qualitative &#13;
insights from interviews, targeting 400 respondents from the public and known political &#13;
intellectuals, political parties and civic associations. Quantitative data analysis involved &#13;
descriptive statistics, correlation, and multiple linear regressions, while qualitative data&#13;
underwent thematic analysis. The findings reveal that credibility, transparency and impartiality &#13;
significantly predict public sentiment towards the commission, with credibility is the strongest &#13;
predictor of public sentiment. The study concludes that credibility, transparency and impartiality &#13;
have been highlighted as essential for fostering trust and engagement among the public. For &#13;
instance, inclusiveness ensures that all voices, especially those from marginalized groups, are &#13;
heard and considered. Transparency helps in building trust by making the process open and clear &#13;
to everyone involved. Credibility and impartiality are vital for ensuring that the dialogue is seen &#13;
as fair and unbiased. The findings indicate a moderate level of public trust in the commission, &#13;
with a mean value of 2.832, translating to 56.6% public trust. These factors attribute 69.7% in the &#13;
change of public sentiment. However, there are still other factors not discovered in this study &#13;
which contribute for 30.3% of the change in public sentiment
</description>
<dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15908">
<title>Back to Bases: Ethiopia’s Security and the Geopolitics of Foreign Military Bases in the Horn of Africa</title>
<link>http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15908</link>
<description>Back to Bases: Ethiopia’s Security and the Geopolitics of Foreign Military Bases in the Horn of Africa
Hussen, Mossa
The idea and practice of establishing foreign military bases in the Horn of Africa (HoA) is an &#13;
enduring phenomenon. The Cold War ideological and geopolitical rivalry between the US and&#13;
the Soviet Union in Africa was largely played out in the HoA through proxy states. The region's&#13;
geopolitical and strategic significance had been diminished by the end of the Cold War and&#13;
with the withdrawal of the two superpowers’ military bases. Foreign powers' intervention in&#13;
the HoA in the 1990s was dominated by humanitarian intervention and multilateralism. Yet,&#13;
the number, diversity, and motives of external powers involved in the region, through&#13;
establishing military bases or maintaining a semblance of security presence in the post-9/11&#13;
period, are unprecedented. One consequence of September 11 is that the region has become&#13;
increasingly militarized and securitized under the banner of the war against terrorism. The&#13;
central aim of this study is to explore the expanding overseas foreign military bases in the core&#13;
HoA region and their implications for the region and, in particular, Ethiopia’s security. The&#13;
research design addresses the objectives by using a qualitative research approach and a case&#13;
study design. The data sources included interviews with analysts, experts, researchers, and&#13;
officials from various security and security-related institutions and were supplemented with&#13;
document analysis. Among the external powers deeply involved in the HoA, the US, China,&#13;
and the Gulf States are selected as cases. To understand the crux of the new geopolitics of&#13;
foreign military bases in the HoA, the realist and constructivist traditions, primarily the regional&#13;
security complex theoretical frameworks, are utilized. Power politics and unilateralism heavily&#13;
influenced the geopolitical developments in the past and continue to do so today. The&#13;
proliferation of multiple non-African powers (from superpowers to regional and small powers)&#13;
and security structures from different parts of the world into the Horn subregional security&#13;
complex signifies the utility of regional security complex theory for this study. The underlying&#13;
reason for the recent expansion of overseas foreign military bases in the region was the threat&#13;
of international terrorism and piracy. This study reveals that the role of foreign military bases&#13;
is shifting to geostrategic dimensions, thereby signaling the return of great power rivalry. The&#13;
region once again has become a playing ground for intense Sino-US and Middle Eastern states'&#13;
competition. The rivalry and contestations of external powers have heavily impacted intra- and&#13;
inter-state interactions and the geopolitical and security landscape of the HoA. Such global and&#13;
regional geopolitical developments exert enormous pressure (economic, political, security, and&#13;
strategic) on Ethiopia, an anchor state in the region. Although largely reactive, Ethiopia has&#13;
embarked on subtle policies in response to the geopolitical dynamics of the presence of the&#13;
foreign military bases in the subregion.
</description>
<dc:date>2022-10-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15774">
<title>EXPLORING THE INSECURIRTY OF THE AMHARA COMMUNITY IN METEKEL  ZONE, BENISHANGULGUMUZ REGIONAL STATE, ETHIOPIA</title>
<link>http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/15774</link>
<description>EXPLORING THE INSECURIRTY OF THE AMHARA COMMUNITY IN METEKEL  ZONE, BENISHANGULGUMUZ REGIONAL STATE, ETHIOPIA
ABRAHAM, ABEBE
Ongoing community insecurity in Ethiopia has become a complex and interconnected issue, &#13;
particularly affecting the Amhara community. The main objective of this study was to investigate &#13;
the major causes, actors, impacts, and potential solutions to the insecurity faced by the Amhara &#13;
community in the Metekel zone Benishangul Gumuz regional state. The study was guided by &#13;
three research questions to assess the major causes, actors, and consequences of the Amhara &#13;
community security problems in the Metekel zone. To achieve the main objective, the study &#13;
employed a qualitative research approach with a case study research design through dealing &#13;
with highly relied-on primary and secondary sources of data. The study used different tools &#13;
during data gathering including interviews, focus group discussions, document analysis, and &#13;
personal observation. The study used a purposive sampling technique; a type of non-probability &#13;
sampling was used in selecting the research participants for interviews and FGD. The data &#13;
obtained from both primary and secondary sources were analyzed through the use of thematic &#13;
analysis. The finding of the study analyzed data revealed that the main causes of insecurity of the &#13;
Amhara community in the Metekel zone are ethnic federalism, exclusion of political structure of &#13;
Benishangul Gumuz regional state constitution (political exclusion), anti-Amhara narrative, lack &#13;
of independent governmental institution, external influence and culture of Gumuz society are the &#13;
major existential threat the Amhara community security in the study area. The finding of the &#13;
study has two major actors of insecurity of the Amhara community in the study area such as &#13;
internal and external. Internal actors included Gumuz rebel armed groups, Gumuz authorities, &#13;
TPLF, and OLF, while external actors included Sudan and Egypt. The finding of the study also &#13;
revealed the political, social, economic, and psychological effects of insecurity on the Amhara &#13;
community in the Metekel zone. Finally, the researcher suggested that constitutional revision and &#13;
restructuring of the federal and regional arrangements could help protect the rights and security &#13;
of the Amhara people in the Metekel zone.&#13;
Keywords: Amhara Community, Benishangul Gumuz, Community Security, Gumuz Community,&#13;
Ethiopia, Insecurity, Metekel Zone and Rebel Armed Group
</description>
<dc:date>2024-03-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
</rdf:RDF>
