http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/7914 2026-10-13T11:11:43Z http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17487 Challenges of Nation-Building in Ethiopia: Focusing On Four Successive Regimes Yideg, Munana Negash Nation-building is a foundational objective of modern statehood, though many states around the world continue to grapple with challenges. Ethiopia’s efforts throughout its modern political history present a compelling case of structural impediments to its nation-building undertakings. This dissertation investigates the structural factors that have hindered the nation-building undertakings of four successive Ethiopian regimes. Adopting a qualitative approach rooted in a constructivist paradigm, the study utilizes historical analysis and thematic coding to evaluate an extensive array of primary and secondary sources. The findings of this study show that, irrespective of ideological and institutional shifts over the decades, each regime (since the 1930s) consistently leveraged excessive authoritarianism and state coercion to centralize absolute power. This coercion-based state centralization left no space for alternative political voices, driving opposition movements toward armed struggle—a trajectory compounded by a dominant socio-cultural matrix that historically normalizes political violence and consolidates centralized power. Furthermore, the cultivation of a negotiated national identity or shared political vision has been blocked by the absence of consensus among the country’s elite. As such, though it is not the only factor, it consistently yields recurrent domestic conflicts. On a political-economic level, the lack of structural transformation has narrowed the state’s fiscal base. It leaves the country dependent on subsistence agriculture and land resources rigidly controlled by ruling elites to sustain exclusive patron-client networks and systemic corruption. Finally, the study demonstrates that external factors compound Ethiopia's internal challenges; the turbulent geopolitics of the Horn of Africa—characterized by transboundary water disputes, maritime access dilemmas, and superpower rivalries—have served as persistent destabilizing forces. Ultimately, this dissertation concludes that the challenge Ethiopia faces in its quest for peace, stability, and democracy is an interconnected crisis born of centralized authoritarianism, elite discord, economic stagnation, and regional vulnerability. The findings imply that, rather than continued reliance on coercive approaches, more inclusive and accountable political institutions, broader elite consensus, structural economic transformation, and constructive regional engagement are more conducive to sustainable nation-building. Future research could further examine how these interconnected structural challenges interact over time and undertake comparative studies of Ethiopia and other multi-ethnic states to identify institutional pathways that can foster inclusive and sustainable nation-building. 2026-09-01T00:00:00Z http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17290 Competing Nationalisms In Ethiopia: The Origins And Dynamics Of Amhara Nationalism Birhanu, Bitew Geremew The state- and nation-building approaches pursued by the imperial regime in pre-1974 Ethiopia have been subject to divergent interpretations. The role of the Amhara ruling class in this process and their use of Amharic as a lingua franca have been widely interpreted as a form of Amhara domination over non-Amhara groups. This interpretation has played a significant role in the emergence of competing nationalisms in the country. Situated within this broader context, the present study seeks to examine the factors that contributed to the shift in the modus operandi of Amhara nationalism, from peaceful to violent forms, by investigating its origins and resistance strategies. A qualitative approach was employed, using data gathered through interviews, focus group discussions, media content analysis and document review. The collected data were analyzed through a combination of thematic analysis and critical discourse analysis. The study is theoretically grounded in social constructionist theory and draws on literature addressing the enduring legacy of colonialism in shaping nationalism in Africa. Findings indicate that the narrative portraying the Amhara as historical oppressors and the subsequent structural violence directed against them are at the root of Amhara nationalism. This Amhara-oppressor discourse, rooted in Orientalist interpretations of history, was instrumentalized by Fascist Italy during its occupation of Ethiopia (1936-1941) as a divide-and-rule tactic. Following liberation, this anti Amhara narrative was adopted by various actors and became institutionalized within the ethnic federal architecture of post-1991 Ethiopia. In response, Amhara elites launched a resistance movement that blended both violent and non-violent tactics, contributing to the national leadership change in 2018. Although the new administration pledged to end ethnic-based attacks, structural violence against the Amhara has persisted, leading to the radicalization of Amhara nationalism. Based on these findings, the study concludes that Amhara nationalism is an evolving phenomenon, with its ideology and modus operandi continuously shifting in response to changing conditions. Moreover, the failure to address the legitimate grievances underlying Amhara nationalism risks exacerbating the broader national crisis, as reflected in the ongoing conflict between the Amhara Fano and the government. Accordingly, future research should scrutinize the nature, actors and dynamics of this conflict to inform viable pathways toward a peaceful resolution. 2025-10-01T00:00:00Z http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17054 Assessing The Role of Civil Society Organisations in Peacebuilding in Amhara Region: The Case of Inter-Religious Council of Amhara (IRCA) Marshet, Yalalem This study critically examined the role of the Inter-Religious Council of Amhara (IRCA) in peacebuilding during the ongoing armed conflict. The Amhara National Regional State has recently faced protracted political violence, characterized by armed confrontations, social fragmentation, and severe humanitarian crises, necessitating credible localized peace initiatives. While faith-based organizations are theoretically positioned as "insider mediators" with unique moral authority, a significant research gap exists regarding how regional inter-religious councils operate during active, ongoing conflict rather than in post-conflict or stable settings. The researcher have employed a qualitative research approach and single case study design, the researcher gathered data through 30 key informant interviews, five focus group discussions, and extensive document analysis. A total sample of 60 participants was selected using purposive and snowball sampling techniques to ensure Triangulation or a diverse representation of religious leaders, government officials, community elder and grass root community members across the region. Findings revealed that while IRCA has a strong moral foundations and mandate for promoting peacebuilding and social cohesion, its practical involvement in the ongoing conflict is very limited and indirect, focusing on peace conferences, peace education and public messaging rather than direct mediation or structured dialogue between conflicting parties. Major challenges hindering effectiveness included the politicization of religious leaders, government interference, security risks in contested areas, and chronic financial constraints. Conversely, the study identified significant opportunities for IRCA in the high level of societal religiosity and the deep-seated moral legitimacy and religious values, existence of a legally protected council. The research found that there is a big gap between the IRCA official goals and what it actually does in real life. While the organization has a very clear plan and good rules on paper, it has not had much of a real effect on fighting the ongoing conflict in ANRS. Practical recommendations IRCA should prioritize institutional neutrality and organizational capacity building while creating inclusive platforms for women and youth to bridge the existing gap between the council's normative mandate and its operational reality. IRCA and its member institutions should use the media to regularly strengthen the voice of faith for peace and reconciliation. and systematically integrate indigenous social institutions like Iddir and Iqub to foster culturally grounded, grassroots peace building. 2026-05-01T00:00:00Z http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17048 The Geopolitical Determinants Of Ethiopia- China Relations In The Context Of Post-1991 Horn of Africa Conundrum Endalcachew, Bayeh Amsalie The rise of China in Africa has become a significant topic in both academic and policy circles. While much of the literature emphasizes China's economic interests, particularly access to resources, this study contends that China's engagement extends beyond economics, serving to expand its geopolitical influence and counterbalance Western dominance. This study used Ethiopia–China relations as a case study. Accordingly, the overall objective was to examine the geopolitical determinants of Ethiopia–China relations in the context of the post-1991 Horn of Africa (HoA). To achieve this, I adopted a qualitative research approach and collected data from both primary and secondary sources. The findings are as follows: 1) Diplomatic Gateway: Ethiopia, as Africa’s diplomatic hub hosting key regional and international organisations, acts as a strategic entry point for China’s diplomatic and business ventures. This has not only showcased China’s success in Africa but also brought significant economic and political advantages to Ethiopia through deeper bilateral ties. 2) Regional Influence: Ethiopia’s independence and its prominent role in African diplomacy allow China to project its influence and counter adversaries in the HoA, which Ethiopia has leveraged to strengthen its internal stability and regional standing. 3) Mutual Support on Global Platforms: China benefits from Ethiopia and Africa’s support in global reforms and resisting Western pressures, while Ethiopia and Africa rely on China to help mitigate external criticisms and pressures. 4) Governance Model Alignment: The Ethiopian government’s adoption of China’s developmental state model aligned with China’s interest in promoting its model across Africa, thereby significantly strengthening Ethiopia–China relations. 5) Strategic Partnership in Development: Ethiopia’s need for reliable partners in its development agenda aligns seamlessly with China’s 'Go Out' strategy, further cementing their partnership. 6) Security Partnership: To protect its overseas interests, counter Western accusations of being an irresponsible global actor, and enhance its military capacity, China began partnering with key actors in the HoA and Africa. Ethiopia emerged as a key partner due to its anchor position, military strength, and stabilising role in the sub-region—a partnership that also aligns with Ethiopia’s own interests, given its vulnerability as a country located at the heart of a conflict-prone region. These geopolitical factors forged a close partnership between the two states, aligning their positions on various national, regional, and international issues. The study illustrates this through two case studies—the Nile/GERD dispute and the Northern Ethiopia conflict—both of which became geopolitical battlegrounds for competing global powers. While the West backed Egypt in the first xvii case and the TPLF in the second, China largely supported the Ethiopian government in both instances. In conclusion, Ethiopia–China relations are shaped not only by economic interests but, more significantly, by geopolitical considerations 2025-11-20T00:00:00Z