http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/7913 2026-08-27T21:44:44Z 2026-08-27T21:44:44Z Marshet, Yalalem http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17054 2026-08-21T05:44:31Z 2026-05-01T00:00:00Z

Assessing The Role of Civil Society Organisations in Peacebuilding in Amhara Region: The Case of Inter-Religious Council of Amhara (IRCA) Marshet, Yalalem This study critically examined the role of the Inter-Religious Council of Amhara (IRCA) in peacebuilding during the ongoing armed conflict. The Amhara National Regional State has recently faced protracted political violence, characterized by armed confrontations, social fragmentation, and severe humanitarian crises, necessitating credible localized peace initiatives. While faith-based organizations are theoretically positioned as "insider mediators" with unique moral authority, a significant research gap exists regarding how regional inter-religious councils operate during active, ongoing conflict rather than in post-conflict or stable settings. The researcher have employed a qualitative research approach and single case study design, the researcher gathered data through 30 key informant interviews, five focus group discussions, and extensive document analysis. A total sample of 60 participants was selected using purposive and snowball sampling techniques to ensure Triangulation or a diverse representation of religious leaders, government officials, community elder and grass root community members across the region. Findings revealed that while IRCA has a strong moral foundations and mandate for promoting peacebuilding and social cohesion, its practical involvement in the ongoing conflict is very limited and indirect, focusing on peace conferences, peace education and public messaging rather than direct mediation or structured dialogue between conflicting parties. Major challenges hindering effectiveness included the politicization of religious leaders, government interference, security risks in contested areas, and chronic financial constraints. Conversely, the study identified significant opportunities for IRCA in the high level of societal religiosity and the deep-seated moral legitimacy and religious values, existence of a legally protected council. The research found that there is a big gap between the IRCA official goals and what it actually does in real life. While the organization has a very clear plan and good rules on paper, it has not had much of a real effect on fighting the ongoing conflict in ANRS. Practical recommendations IRCA should prioritize institutional neutrality and organizational capacity building while creating inclusive platforms for women and youth to bridge the existing gap between the council's normative mandate and its operational reality. IRCA and its member institutions should use the media to regularly strengthen the voice of faith for peace and reconciliation. and systematically integrate indigenous social institutions like Iddir and Iqub to foster culturally grounded, grassroots peace building.

2026-05-01T00:00:00Z Endalcachew, Bayeh Amsalie http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17048 2026-08-20T07:16:11Z 2025-11-20T00:00:00Z

The Geopolitical Determinants Of Ethiopia- China Relations In The Context Of Post-1991 Horn of Africa Conundrum Endalcachew, Bayeh Amsalie The rise of China in Africa has become a significant topic in both academic and policy circles. While much of the literature emphasizes China's economic interests, particularly access to resources, this study contends that China's engagement extends beyond economics, serving to expand its geopolitical influence and counterbalance Western dominance. This study used Ethiopia–China relations as a case study. Accordingly, the overall objective was to examine the geopolitical determinants of Ethiopia–China relations in the context of the post-1991 Horn of Africa (HoA). To achieve this, I adopted a qualitative research approach and collected data from both primary and secondary sources. The findings are as follows: 1) Diplomatic Gateway: Ethiopia, as Africa’s diplomatic hub hosting key regional and international organisations, acts as a strategic entry point for China’s diplomatic and business ventures. This has not only showcased China’s success in Africa but also brought significant economic and political advantages to Ethiopia through deeper bilateral ties. 2) Regional Influence: Ethiopia’s independence and its prominent role in African diplomacy allow China to project its influence and counter adversaries in the HoA, which Ethiopia has leveraged to strengthen its internal stability and regional standing. 3) Mutual Support on Global Platforms: China benefits from Ethiopia and Africa’s support in global reforms and resisting Western pressures, while Ethiopia and Africa rely on China to help mitigate external criticisms and pressures. 4) Governance Model Alignment: The Ethiopian government’s adoption of China’s developmental state model aligned with China’s interest in promoting its model across Africa, thereby significantly strengthening Ethiopia–China relations. 5) Strategic Partnership in Development: Ethiopia’s need for reliable partners in its development agenda aligns seamlessly with China’s 'Go Out' strategy, further cementing their partnership. 6) Security Partnership: To protect its overseas interests, counter Western accusations of being an irresponsible global actor, and enhance its military capacity, China began partnering with key actors in the HoA and Africa. Ethiopia emerged as a key partner due to its anchor position, military strength, and stabilising role in the sub-region—a partnership that also aligns with Ethiopia’s own interests, given its vulnerability as a country located at the heart of a conflict-prone region. These geopolitical factors forged a close partnership between the two states, aligning their positions on various national, regional, and international issues. The study illustrates this through two case studies—the Nile/GERD dispute and the Northern Ethiopia conflict—both of which became geopolitical battlegrounds for competing global powers. While the West backed Egypt in the first xvii case and the TPLF in the second, China largely supported the Ethiopian government in both instances. In conclusion, Ethiopia–China relations are shaped not only by economic interests but, more significantly, by geopolitical considerations

2025-11-20T00:00:00Z Endalcachew, Bayeh http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/17026 2026-08-18T11:10:32Z 2025-11-01T00:00:00Z

The Geopolitical Determinants of Ethiopia- China Relations in the Context of Post-1991 Horn of Africa Conundrum Endalcachew, Bayeh The rise of China in Africa has become a significant topic in both academic and policy circles. While much of the literature emphasizes China's economic interests, particularly access to resources, this study contends that China's engagement extends beyond economics, serving to expand its geopolitical influence and counterbalance Western dominance. This study used Ethiopia–China relations as a case study. Accordingly, the overall objective was to examine the geopolitical determinants of Ethiopia–China relations in the context of the post-1991 Horn of Africa (HoA). To achieve this, I adopted a qualitative research approach and collected data from both primary and secondary sources. The findings are as follows: 1) Diplomatic Gateway: Ethiopia, as Africa’s diplomatic hub hosting key regional and international organisations, acts as a strategic entry point for China’s diplomatic and business ventures. This has not only showcased China’s success in Africa but also brought significant economic and political advantages to Ethiopia through deeper bilateral ties. 2) Regional Influence: Ethiopia’s independence and its prominent role in African diplomacy allow China to project its influence and counter adversaries in the HoA, which Ethiopia has leveraged to strengthen its internal stability and regional standing. 3) Mutual Support on Global Platforms: China benefits from Ethiopia and Africa’s support in global reforms and resisting Western pressures, while Ethiopia and Africa rely on China to help mitigate external criticisms and pressures. 4) Governance Model Alignment: The Ethiopian government’s adoption of China’s developmental state model aligned with China’s interest in promoting its model across Africa, thereby significantly strengthening Ethiopia–China relations. 5) Strategic Partnership in Development: Ethiopia’s need for reliable partners in its development agenda aligns seamlessly with China’s 'Go Out' strategy, further cementing their partnership. 6) Security Partnership: To protect its overseas interests, counter Western accusations of being an irresponsible global actor, and enhance its military capacity, China began partnering with key actors in the HoA and Africa. Ethiopia emerged as a key partner due to its anchor position, military strength, and stabilising role in the sub-region—a partnership that also aligns with Ethiopia’s own interests, given its vulnerability as a country located at the heart of a conflict-prone region. These geopolitical factors forged a close partnership between the two states, aligning their positions on various national, regional, and international issues. The study illustrates this through two case studies—the Nile/GERD dispute and the Northern Ethiopia conflict—both of which became geopolitical battlegrounds for competing global powers. While the West backed Egypt in the first xvii case and the TPLF in the second, China largely supported the Ethiopian government in both instances. In conclusion, Ethiopia–China relations are shaped not only by economic interests but, more significantly, by geopolitical considerations.

2025-11-01T00:00:00Z Anteneh, Enkuhan http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/16454 2025-02-19T13:31:31Z 2024-07-01T00:00:00Z

Political Dynamics In Amhara Regional State Since 2018 Anteneh, Enkuhan The main theme of this study is to explore the political dynamics of the Amhara regional state since 2018. In 2018, there was “political reform” which begun with the euphoria of whole sale transformation to democracy and good governance , and unfortunately, ended up in mere circulation of the ruling elites from above , which of course have far-reaching implications on regional politics too. Amhara Region is one of the region that have faced the brunt of the reform with its unprecedented level of political dynamism The main objective of this research was to assess the status of the 2018 political reform, the manifestations, and the factors that affect the political dynamics of the Amhara regional state since then. To achieve these objectives, the study has employed a qualitative approach with a case study research design. The data were collected from interviews (face to face and telephone interviews), personal observations, Focus Group Discussion. In addition to primary data, the study used secondary data such as published and unpublished material, along with different political elite discourse form YouTube platforms. Data collected from primary and secondary sources were analyzed through both thematic and discourse analysis method. Primary data sources were selected using purposive sampling technique. The finding of the study revealed that, the 2018 political reform was not deeply planted rather it was shallow, and it was not full-hearted by different political actors of the Amhara region. Besides, political complexity in the region has been increased from time to time. Due to this, the region becomes exposed to frequent leadership changes. Pertinent to this, the political power struggle has intensified in the region, either within the ruling party by itself or among opposition parties with the incumbent parties. External factors such as unsynthesised ethnic federalism, the current constitution, and confrontation among neighboring states, as well as internal factors such as economics, IDP, elite hostility, and weak institutions, account for the current political dynamics of the Amhara region. The major conclusion of the study drawn from the findings is that, the weakness of the current ruling party of the region aggregated with the dominance of the federal government under the vanguard of the Oromo prosperity party political elite, has led to political crises in the Amhara regional state after 2018.

2024-07-01T00:00:00Z